The Legend of Hilaria (1913) pp. xiii-xxxiv. Introduction
SYRIAC MANUSCRIPTS
A = Ms. Add. 14.649, British Museum (cf. Wright, Catalogue of the Syriac Mss. in the Brit. Mus. acquired since the year 1838, III, p. mo, n°. 25), fol. 162a.
B = Ms. Add. 14.735, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1121, n°. 10), fol. 136b.
C = Ms. Add. 12.172, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1118, n°. 4), fol. 38«.
D = Ms. Add. 14.650, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e., III, p. 1107, n°. 20), fol. 206«.
E=Ms. Add. 14.641, British Museum (cf. Wright, I.e.; III, p. 1046/0, fol. 165*.
R = Ms. Rich 7190, British Museum (cf. Catal. Codd. Mss. Or. qui in Museo Britannico asservantur, Pars I [ed. Forshall], p. 83, n°. 81), fol. 353b.
These Mss. belong to the same family; only B has many deviations, which however do not modify the character of the story in any way.
KARSHUNI MANUSCRIPTS.
A = Ms. Sachau 43, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Die Handschriftenverzeichnisse der Konigl. Bibliothek zu Berlin, Band XXIII, Verzeichniss der Syrischen Handschriften von E. Sachau, p. 746, n°. 4), fol. 26b. |xiv
B = Ms. Sachau 109, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Sachau, I.e., p. 394, n°. 1), fol. 26b.
C = Ms. Sachau 7, Berlin, Royal Library (cf. Sachau, I.e., p. 381, n°. 10), fol. 66a.
D = Ms. Or. 4403, British Museum (cf. Margoliouth, Descriptive List of Syriac and Karshunic Manuscripts in the British Museum acquired since 1873, p. 32 et segu.), fol. 112b.
There is another Ms. at Jerusalem (cf. Chabot, Notice sur les manuscrits syriaques conservés dans la bibliothèque du patriarcat grec orthodoxe de Jerusalem, in Journal Asiatique, 96 série, tome 3, p. 111). The title of the story runs here: History of the Emperor Zenon. I have not been able to consult this Ms.
V = Ms. CCVI, Vatican Library (cf. S. E. et J. S. Assemani, Bibliothecae apost. vatic, codd. mss. cat., III, 494), fol. 110a-112b.
AETHIOPIC MANUSCRIPTS.
A = Cod. d'Abbadie 66, fol. 146. Cf. Catalogue raisonné de Mss. éthiopiens appartenant a Antoine d'Abbadie.
B = Cod. d'Abbadie 1, fol. 142-3. Cf. op. cit.
C = Ms. éthiopien 126, Bibliothèque Nationale, fol. 155-7. Cf. Zotenberg, Cat. des Mss. éthiopiens de la Bibl. Nat., p. 173.
D = Cod. Add. 16.218, British Museum, fol. 124. Cf. Catalogus Codd. Mss. Orr. qui in Mus. Britannico asservantur, Pars III, p. 45 et sequ.
There are many other Mss. of the Aethiopic Synaxary, but I have not been able to consult all of them. Moreover, those mentioned were sufficient for editing a |xv readable text of the legend. A comparison of A with B, C, D will show, that Guidi's statement concerning the months Sane, Hamle, Nahase of the Aethiopic synaxary 1), holds also good for this portion of Ter. A is a literal translation of the short Arabic text, which seems to have lost a few words still read by the Aethiopic translator. Unhappily A is only a fragment. After fol. 146 of the Ms. one or more folio's are wanting.
B, C, D, belong to one family of Mss. D is very carelessly written. A large part of the story is omitted on account of homoioteleuton, with the gutturals is dealt in a free manner. There are many scribal errors. It goes finally back to C or the prototype of C, as may be seen on page [Ethiopic], note (21-21), where both in C and D [] is followed by [] which gives no sense. The omitted words [] are in B only. ---- On the other hand D goes with B in some cases. But the exact relation between these Mss. cannot be established without comparing the numerous other Mss. of the Synaxary.
PROPER NAMES.
The heroine of the story is called Hilaria, [].
This name (i9lari/a) is, as Dr. von Lemm has pointed out, a translation of Bent-resh, which popular etymology has taken for "Daughter of Joy"; hence the Coptic translation i9lari/a, "Joy." During her abode with the monks she takes the name of Hilarios, []. The Syriac |xvi and Karshuni versions call her during the time of disguise [].
The name of her sister is not mentioned in any of the texts. Seymour de Ricci and E. Winstedt call her Anastasia on account of a passage in the Coptic story of the forty-nine old men of Skete. In their translation 2) this passage runs: "Et à cause de leur désir de ces saints, les filles des rois laissèrent leur gloire et leur palais; elles allèrent secrètement à Shiêt, la métropole des moines. Et ainsi elles accomplirent leur sainte vie dans les grands et saints déserts de Shiêt. Une d'elles fut Elaria, la fille du pieux roi Zenon, de bonne mémoire, avec Anastasia la servante de Dieu à qui écrivit le saint patriarche Sevêros" and so on.
I do not think that this place gives us the right to call Anastasia the sister of Hilaria. The history of this Anastasia is not only known in extract from this Coptic text, but also in extenso from two Syriac Mss.: British Museum, Add. 14. 649, fol. 99 et seqıı., and Bibliothèque Nationale, Cod. Syr. 234, fol. 399 et sequ., from the Alexandrian Synaxary, ed. Forget, I p. [...] et sequ. and. from the Aethiopic Synaxary (e. g. Br. Mus., Add. 16.218, fol. 127 v°). Here she is called a patrika or a princess, but there is not the slightest hint as to her being a daughter of Zeno. So we must maintain that the name of Hilaria's sister is unknown to us.
Her father is the Emperor Zeno who reigned in the last quarter of the Vth century A. D. (died 491). He is praised here as being orthodox, of course on account of |xvii his Henoticon, which was favourable for the Monophysites. Further it is said, that he led a pious life and equalled Constantine the Great in his love of Christ 3). In the Karshuni text 4) he is even compared to Abraham and the other patriarchs. History declares him cruel and voluptuous.
The name of his wife is not mentioned in the Coptic and Arabic texts and V. The Syriac version calls her Augusta, the Karshuni one Shams al-Munîra, "the shining sun". In reality she bore the name of Ariadne and is praised by the historians. History does not mention any daughters of Zeno.
On her journey towards the desert Hilaria reaches Alexandria (Rakote); the short Arabic text does not mention this place, but [], translated in the Aeth. Synaxary as "the land of Egypt"; the Karshuni text has [] what this means, I am not able to say. ----At Alexandria she finds a man who shows her the way to the monastery. According to the long Arabic text this man is a deacon, called Theodore; according to the short Arabic text he is an old monk, called Bamu, which seems to be a corruption of Pambo (see beneath).
The name of the monastery she reaches, is given in the Syriac and Karshuni texts as that of Aba Macarius, a well known place, which has retained its name till the present day 5). This Macarius is the famous founder of monasticism in the desert of Skete, who died in 390 A. D.6) |xviii A part of the desert is called after him [...]. 7). V calls this region Wadi Habib. This name is also well known 8). On the map of Evetts and Butler it lies between Cairo and the Nitrian desert; but I do not know whether this location is absolutely trustworthy.
The long Arabic text does not mention the monastery of Macarius; it says only that Hilaria passes by the church of Menas 9) and reaches the mountain of Shlhat (Skete), also called "The Balance of Hearts", where she is received by the abbot Bamfu (Pambo). There have been several monks of this name, as Amelineau has remarked; but this one is referred to another time in Eastern literature, viz. in the Alexandrian Synaxary on the 8th Abib (ed. Forget, II, p. ...). Here this is said about him: "On the montain of Shlhat was a presbyter whose name was Bamu; it is he who shrouded the corpse of the holy Allaria 10)". Then there is told how he was present at the death of the holy Kiros.
In the Coptic, long Arabic and Syriac versions of the story Hilaria is trusted to an old man, whose name is given in the first two as Aba Martyrios.
CHARACTER OF THE DIFFERENT VERSIONS.
I. COPTIC VERSION.
As the origin of the legend of Hilaria is to be sought in the old-egyptian story of Bent-resh (see above, p. VI), |xix it is a priori probable that of the Coptic, Arabic, Syriac and Karshuni versions, the first has preserved the original features better than the other ones. This is confirmed by a comparison of the texts. Of course the transition from a profane story to a legend, wholly inclosed in the horizon of solitaries, cannot be a gradual one.
In the Egyptian story the daughter of the king of Bakhtan leaves her country to marry the king of Egypt. Her younger sister, Bent-resh, is the heroine of the tale.
In the Coptic legend the eldest daughter leaves her country to become a nun. The nun is the heroine of the story and receives the (translated) name of the former heroine.
In the Coptic legend the eldest daughter of the king leaves her parents secretly, disguising her sex and effacing all traces which could betray her place of abode. This alteration serves to introduce two motifs which are not rare in Eastern legends:
1°. Women living in monasteries of monks disguised as men.
2°. Children being lost sight of by their parents and becoming united to them again.
We shall speak about these motifs later.
II. ARABIC-VERSIONS.
a. Nearest to the Coptic legend stands the long Arabic text. If we compare the texts, there can be no doubt about the fact that the latter is a rendering of the former, sometimes free, sometimes close. Of the Coptic text we have only the middle part, so we may complete |xx it safely from the Arabic one, which has been preserved wholly.
Here may follow the main traits of this version: King Zeno has no male offspring, but only two young daughters. The elder, Hilaria, becomes inclined to monastic life. Being in a church she beseeches God to give her an indication as to her further way. She receives unmistakable signs, she leaves Constantinople disguised and reaches Alexandria. In the church of St. Mark she meets a deacon Theodore, whom she invites to conduct her to the desert of Skete. He brings her into the presence of Aba Bamfu (Pambo), who gives her a cell. Theodore withdraws. She is invested with the holy habit. [According to the Coptic version God reveals to Aba Pambo after three years, that she is a woman. This is not in the Arabic text.] Hilaria remains beardless, whereupon the monks call her Hilarios the eunuch. On account of her ascetic practices her breasts wither and she becomes exempt from the usual illness of women.
Her younger sister has meanwhile become possessed by a demon. Her father writes to the monks of Skete and orders the governor of Alexandria to take the girl with the letter to Skete, where she is entrusted to her sister, who recognises her without being recognised herself. Hilaria kisses her, sleeps with her on the same bench and makes the demon leave her. The girl is sent back to Constantinople and tells her father how she has been cured by Hilarios the eunuch. Zeno conceives suspicions about the morality of the monk and summons him to the residence, under the pretext of being ill. Hilaria arrives with some other monks and is interrogated by the king about her way of healing the girl. She |xxi induces the king to swear by the Gospel not to betray the secret she will reveal to him. The king swears, she tells who she is. Three months afterwards she departs to Skete; the king sends yearly rich gifts to the desert. Hilaria lives still twelve years; she is buried in her male dress. Aba Pambo tells the brethren the story of her life. Her death is communicated to the king.
This text assumes that it was composed by the holy Aba Pambo; this is not probable, as a glance at the text will show. In the above cited story of saint Kiros in the Aethiopian Synaxary the same Bamu is related to have written the story of Kiros at divine command (l. c., p. 292, 294).
b. The short Arabic text is an abridgment of the Coptic, viz. long Arabic text. There are however some divergent points:
1°. Hilaria leaves the palace without having received a token from heaven in the church.
2°. The man whom Hilaria meets in Alexandria is called Amba Bamu, which is no doubt a corruption of Pambo. Here the rôle of Theodore is left out and Pambo takes his rôle as well.
3°. Hilaria reveals her secret to Bamû. In the Coptic text it is God who reveals it. In the long Arabic text this trait is altogether left out, but at the end of the story there is an allusion to it.
4°. Zeno does not send his sick daughter to the governor of Alexandria, but directly to Skete.
5°. Zeno summons Hilarios the eunuch to his residence, not, as the Coptic text has it, under the pretext of being ill, but pretending to be desirous to receive his blessing. |xxii
6°. In the scene of recognition Hilaria shows her parents bodily peculiarities, which were known to them 11).
The Aethiopic versions are simply a translation of the short Arabic text without material differences; there is only added a notice concerning the building of churches (cf. V) and the usual Salam.
III. THE SYRIAC VERSION.
This version has been enlarged and modified into the usual style of Syriac legends of saints. We shall see, that the author had not before him our Coptic text, but a type of text like the short Arabic one.
We have to swallow the usual exordium; it is very profitable for Believers to hear the great deeds of God at the hands of the saints. So it is a good work to transmit the records thereof by script. Now the author confesses that he is wholly unworthy of undertaking such a work; but as it is profitable for pious souls, he will not be silent (p. ... and ...).
The same exordium is to be found in text I) and parallel texts of the story of Archelides (vol. I, p. ...), in 25 of the Acta edited by Bedjan, in the Life of John of Telia (Het leven van Johannes van Tella, door H. G. Kleyn, p. 6, 7).
We do not find these formula's at the head of the old Acts of martyrs, which pretend to be protocols of trials and executions. Only when writing the lives of saints becomes a literary occupation, humble or would-be humble authors begin to use such a captatio benevolentiae; gradually it becomes a form to do so. Ephraim's Hymn |xxiii on Julian Saba has already such a beginning (ed. Lamy, III, 837, 2nd stanza):
"Whose words can be compared with the treasury of works and excellent deeds 12), which sleeps? He is silent, but his silence is too great for his preachers, and his shrine for his treasures. The treasure of our father is too great for my mouth."
But Ephraim does not use these phrases at the beginning of other hymns on saints and martyrs.
After the rather long introduction the story begins. Hilaria is born as the fruit of many prayers 13). This is a circumstance she has to share with other heroes of stories, e. g. Jacob Baradaeus 14), Archelides 15), Euphrosyne 16), Samuel in the Old Testament.
Hilaria is a fair child, another trait she has in common with other heroes and heroines, e. g. Archelides 17), Jacob Baradaeus 18), Onesima 19),
Like Archelides she enjoys a literary education and is captivated by the lives of holy persons, especially the monks of Skete, with whom she desires to live. Syriac literature mentions several cases of that sort. John of Telia 20) e. g. is struck by a place in the biography of Tekla, the disciple of St. Paul, and begins ascetic practices in his home, like Hilaria.
The Fathers of Skete enjoyed a high reputation throughout the Christian world, and paying them a visit and hearing their profitable discourses was an ideal of |xxiv many pious persons; Palladius dwelt amongst them and the account of his visit has become one of the most widely spread books in the East. People could not conceive how St. Ephraim had attained to such a spiritual height without having visited Skete; so his enlarged biography is supplemented with a narrative to that extent 21). Hilaria prepares her flight with the unconscious help of her waiting woman, whose visits she is able to delay more and more. We do not hear anything of a token from heaven, as in the long Arabic text. She walks from Alexandria to the desert alone, not accompanied by a man as in the long Arabic text. The Syriac author puts a prayer into her mouth which has a certain likeness with Archelides' prayer on his way to the monastery 22).
Archelides
Our Lord Jesus Christ, who willest not the death of the sinner, hear me this time. Open to me Thy gate full of mercy. Give me Thy helping hand and guide me on Thy way of Life. For my soul loveth Thee more than all visible things. Be Thou my guide where Thou wilt," that I may please Thee according to Thy will and praise and glorify Thee for ever.
Hilaria
Our Lord Jesus Christ, the life and salvation that hath dawned for us, thou who hast come to seek the forlorn and to bring back to the way of truth those who have gone astray. Thou who leadest Thy saints to the eternal way----turn to me, the lost one, for I seek Thee, my Lord; and lead me at Thy right hand to Thy way of life, for Thee alone my soul loveth. And direct my feet in the way |xxv of salvation and receive me into Thy good harbour. For Thou art my strong hope and in Thee I have confided from my youth, now and for ever.
The prior of the monastery asks her name. She answers: "I am John the eunuch, a slave freed by my master." In the older texts it is only after the monks have seen her remaining beardless, that they call her "the eunuch." The Syriac author does not say, like the older texts, that she ceased to be a woman as to the pa&qh of her body. It is clear that in the Syriac version she is considered as one who has been made a eunuch, in the Coptic and long Arabic texts the monks take her for a eunuch by nature. Such persons seem not to have been very rare in the East. In Matthew XIX, 12 they are called eunuchs from their mother's womb, in the Mishna 23) ..... "eunuch of the sun". A similar expression occurs at the end of the Syriac text, where it is said that the monks who buried Hilaria, thought that she was beardless [Syriac]24 i. e. "like the rest of those persons who have no beard on the chin because of great heat". This "great heat" is an expression analogous to the Hebrew one, perhaps no longer understood. Dr. Preuss and Baron |xxvi Dr. von Oefele call attention in explanation of it, to the Egyptian myth of Seth being castrated by Horus (the sun).
Hilaria passes her farther life disguised as a man. This is also a common trait in Eastern legends. Marina resides with her father in a monastery of monks, disguised as one of them 25). Euphrosyne left her father's house and did the same thing 26). Anastasia, flying before Justinian, reached Skete and was henceforth known as a eunuch 27). During her abode in the monastery Hilaria is performing ascetic works 28), just like Archelides 29). Ten years after her flight another daughter is born to her parents. This is an alteration by the Syriac author. In the Coptic and Arabic texts king Zeno has already two daughters at the beginning of the story, in accordance with the Egyptian tale. Perhaps this alteration is due to the tendency of making it more probable, that Hilaria is afterwards not recognised by her younger sister.
The Syriac text, like the short Arabic one, has omitted the governor and the commander of Alexandria, who, according to the older texts, accompany the younger sister with an escort of soldiers to the monastery of Aba Macarius. But her escort consists of soldiers of the king and trustworthy persons, who do not take a royal letter to the monks, but simply give an oral account of the matter. |xxvii
Hilaria is not recognised by her younger sister, who stays with her five years; in the older texts only a week. Neither is she recognised afterwards by her father at Constantinople, but she makes herself known.
Here we have another motif of Eastern tales; the hero is separated from his relatives and after a long interval he meets them again, but one of the parties does not recognise the other at first. This motif has been made use of in the legend of Archelides, the story of John and Arcadius, Xenophon and Maria 30), John bar Malke 31), Euphrosyne 32), in the Old Testament in the story of Joseph and his brethren.
The end of the Syriac story is altogether an addition to the original legend. Here the ascetic predilections of the author again find expression: Hilaria is presumed by the other monks to be a relative of the king and more honour is shown her for that reason. She fears to become conceited and to lose the fruits of her good works. So she goes away secretly and passes the rest of her life in a grotto. We find the same trait in the legend of Onesima (Bedjan, Acta V, 419). On the day of her death she is visited by three monks, who witness her departure. A similar trait is in the story of Kiros (l. c.), where it is said that the priest Bamu travels through the desert in order to shroud the saint, and in the story of Anastasia (see above, p. xxvi note 3). ---- As the monks wash her corpse, they perceive her to be a woman. This we have also in the legend of Anastasia, where there is said that the disciple of Aba Daniel, who washes the corpse of |xxviii the saint, perceives her breasts "like two withered leaves." Nothing more is said about her relatives. She does not inform them of her departing from the monastery to a remote part of the desert. These saints do not care much about "worldly" relations. We have seen the same thing in the story of Archelides; Onesima wishes that her parents may die on the same day, in order to liberate herself from a possible marriage 33).
IV. THE KARSHUNI VERSIONS.
a. The Karshuni text V is only a very short abridgment of the Coptic legend. The character of the original has been preserved throughout. The following deviations are only to be noticed:
1°. In the Coptic text Zeno orders the monks to send Hilarios to Constantinople. Here he writes again to the Wali (of Alexandria) to carry out his order.
2°. In the scene of recognition at Constantinople Hilaria shows her mother some bodily peculiarities in order to ascertain her identity 34) (V). This trait is not in the long Arabic text.
3°. In the long Arabic text the story closes with the annunciation of Hilaria's death to Zeno. In V the last fact mentioned is Zeno's yearly sending of rich gifts which enable the monks to erect several buildings, e. g. the church of Abu Makar. Here it becomes manifest that the chief interest of the author of V lies in the history of Skete, which was a priori to be expected, as the MS., from which it is taken, is a history of Skete. |xxix
b. That the other Karshuni version has its origin in Syria, appears from the Syriac verses which are intermingled with the Arabic text and from some Syriacisms. The redaction is dependent on the Syriac one. The most important deviations may follow here. The long Syriac exordium has been left out. The narrator starts at once with his story, which has altogether got the character of a tale and is void of all historical probability. Zeno and his wife (here called Shams al-Munir, "the shining sun") are persons of the type of popular tales, always wearing a crown and surrounded by courtiers, but not objecting against a journey to the monks in order to ask their intervention with God for the sake of getting offspring. ---- Hilaria does not conceal from her governess the project of flying to the desert. She only does not tell her at what time she will depart in order to. enable the governess to swear that she does not know when her pupil has fled. According to the Syriac version Hilaria, like Archelides, is travelling to Alexandria on a ship. This way of travelling is not ascetic and romantic enough for our narrator: Hilaria walks all the way barefoot, through deserts, treading on thorns and thistles. She reaches Suk Misr and goes from there to the monastery of Abu Macarius, where she tells the prior that she has been manumitted by a king, whereas in the Syriac redaction it is a nobleman who has freed her.
In the Syriac version it is the governess who is astonished at Hilaria's having disappeared; she informs the king and the queen of the fact. Here, of course, this is not the case. The king and the queen, on visiting their daughter, do not find her and call for the trembling governess. |xxx
In the Syriac version the king sends messengers to search for Hilaria. Here he and the queen travel to the monastery of Abu Macarius and request the prior and the monks to pray for Hilaria's discovery, The colour of this scene is remarkably heightened by the addition that Hilaria herself is among the monks, praying for the contrary and that her prayer prevails over that of the threehundred.
In the Syriac version the king gets the worst suspicions against John the eunuch on hearing in what manner he has healed his daughter. But our narrator apparently does not find it suitable to utter such thoughts in connection with a monk. Here it is only Zeno's curiosity which induces him to summon John the eunuch to Constantinople.
AGE AND RELATIONSHIP OF THE VERSIONS.
The origin of the Hilaria-legend is to be sought in the old-egyptian tale of Bent-resh, as Dr. von Lemm has pointed out. According to Erman 35) this tale was composed as late as the Ptolemaic times, according to Maspéro 36) it dates from the time of the invasions of the Aethiopians.
The Coptic story cannot well have been composed before + 500 A. D., probably later, because there is a lack of historical truth about Zeno and his family in it.
The oldest Syriac Ms. dates, according to Wright, from the IXth century A. D.
At what time the Arabic speaking Syrian Christians |xxxi took up the legend and reproduced it in Arabic, is not to be said. The oldest Karshuni Ms. (Or. 4403, British Museum) dates, according to G. Margoliouth, from the XIIIth - XIVth century A. D.
The Alexandrian Synaxary, is according to Guidi, l.c., an outcome of the movement which, from the thirteenth century onwards, gave new life to the Church in Egypt. The Aethiopic translation of this Synaxary must have originated, according to the same scholar, in the fifteenth century.
The relationship between the different versions can be represented in the following way:
Old-egyptian
|
Coptic
|
----------------------------------
| | |
Long Arabic Karshuni V Short Arabic = Aethiopic
|
Syriac
|
Other Karshuni
I must however remark that I do not presume that there is a direct relation between any of these texts; the above stemma means only, that e. g. the Syriac version derives from a type of the legend like the short Arabic text. Whether this type was contained in an Arabic or in a Coptic text, it is impossible to make out. |xxxii
In the Machrig (1913, n°. 2), Louis Cheikho, S. J., has published an Arabic text of the Legend of Archelides, which is the prototype of our Karshuni Ms. A and gives many good readings.
P. XIX. On account of the common features of the Legend of Archelides and that of Hilaria, and the fact that the latter has a Coptic source, I must alter my opinion, that Archelides is originally a Greek tale: I hold it now for a product of Coptic monks. The Coptic origin explains the form of the hero's name, which is not Greek, but sounds like a Greek one.
P. xvii. That the Karshuni versions go back to a Coptic source is not probable. Several critics have maintained a Syriac origin. I agree with them and have reproduced their arguments also in discussing the origin of the Karshuni version of the Hilaria-legend.
Professor Nöldeke and Professor Seybold sent me some corrections of the texts; Professor Schulthess gave his corrections in the Gottingische gelehrte Anzeigen, 1912, Nr 6. I give here those corrections which seem to me evident.
[Textual corrections omitted]
[Footnotes renumbered and placed at the end]
1. 1) Journal of the Royal Asiatic society, 1911, p. 739 et sequ.
2. 1) Les quarante-neuf vieillards de Scété, texte copte inédit et traduction française par Seymour de Ricci et Erich O. Winstedt (Notices et extraits, Tome XXXIX).
4. 2) Henceforth by the Karshuni text the longer recension only is meant, with the exclusion of V.
5. 3) Cf. Evetts and Butler, The churches and monasteries of Egypt (Oxford, 1895), p. 194.
6. 4) His Syriac Acta in Bedjan, Acta Martt. V, 177 et sequ.
7. 1) Evetts and Butler, o. c., p.
8. 2) O. c., Index, II, s. v. Wadi Habib.
9. 3) cf. K. M. Kaufmann, Die Menasstadt und das Nationalheiligtum der altchristlichen Aegypter, I (Leipzig 1910).
10. 4) The same place is in the Aethiopian Synaxary, on the 8th Hamle (ed. Guidi, Patrol. Orient., VII, p. 290).
13. 2) Sometimes she is simply called "the Fruit of Prayer."
14. 3) cf. H. G. Kleyn, Jacobus Baradaeus, p. 37 et sequ.
16. 5) cf. Bedjan, Acta, V, 388.
20. 9) Kleyn, Het leven van J. v. T., p. 18.
21. 1) Roman edition of his Opera omnia, III, p. XLI.
23. 1) Jebam. VIII, 4. This place has been taken from a letter of Dr. J. Preuss in Berlin to Dr. von Lemm. Many letters on this subject have been kindly lent to me by the latter. Cf. also Tosephta, Berakot V. 14.
25. 1) Bedjan, Acta, I, 365 et sequ. I have not at my disposition Clugnet's edition.
27. 3) Br. Museum, cod. Add. 14. 649, fol. 99 et sequ. Paris, Cod. Syr. 234, fol. 339 et sequ.
30. 1) Acta Sanctorum, ed. Bolland., January 26. The Syriac text has not yet been published.
31. 2) Bedjan, Acta, I, 344 et sequ.
35. 1) Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache, 1883, p. 54 et sequ.
36. 2) Les contes populaires de l'Egypte ancienne 4, p. 184.
This text was transcribed by Roger Pearse, 2004. All material on this page is in the public domain - copy freely.
Greek text is rendered using the Scholars Press SPIonic font, free from here.
| Early Church Fathers - Additional Texts |